“Discuss example” A series of colossal events have

“Discuss the relationship between neoliberalism and globalisationwith reference to more than one example” A series of colossal events have signified the extent towhich the world has become  “global incharacter and orientation” (Robert B Potter, T.

Binns, J.A Elliot, D.Smith 2008).Neoliberalism is a concept that has been at the forefront of these phenomena throughoutthe past three decades. Neoliberalism, which, in broad terms, “involves thepromotion of market forces, individual choice and limited state as keyprinciples of economic and social organisation”(Mackinnon, D cited inR.Bishop, J.Phillips, W.

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W.Yeo 2003) has restructured the world, as weknow it. The concept of a truly homogenised world, based on a combination of westernideals of development is at best a sceptical notion.

As a result we must becareful not to understand neoliberalism as a panoptic concept. However, it isundeniable that resemblances are prevalent in local, national and global scales.Throughout this essay I will investigate two conflicting schools ofgeographical thought: Neoliberalism using of globalisation as force fordevelopment or, Neoliberalism using globalisation as a force formarginalisation,  “distorting’ patternsof development and creating ever-increasing global inequalities” (Robert BPotter, T. Binns, J.A.Elliot, D.

Smith 2008).  If we use Scech and Haggis (2000) definition of globalisation”as the intensification of global interconnectedness, a process that they seeassociated with the capitalism as a production and market system” (cited in R.B.Potter,T.

Binns, J.A.Elliot, D.Smith 2008) it is undeniable that Neoliberalism is deeplyinterconnected with globalisation. Neoliberalism’s ability to unpacking the Nation-Stateis prime example of this. We can no longer seem them as an integrated force butinstead one that is detached. The state, despite, creating localised andindividualist forms of neoliberalism does not confine it ideas to a nationsboundaries.

As, Jamie Peck (2004) argues its “political authority have beenprofoundly disrupted in recent decades” (J.Peck 2004). Power is alternativelygiven to big institutional corporations such as World Bank/NGO’s/ the IMFformulating a “national government” (J.Peck 2004). This brings into question theintegrity of territory and its relevance in a time of neo-politics.

In this”borderless world”(R.B Potter, T. Binns, J.A.

Elliot, D.Smith 2008)Neoliberalism is able to spread universally, from Euro-America to the farcorners of the globe. The Department of International Development (2000)believes that opens economies “that openness is necessary-though notsufficient-condition for national prosperity”(cited in Robert B.

Potter. T.Binns, J.A.Elliot, D.Smith 2008).

Thus, globalisation helps promote neoliberalismas the ‘borderless world’ allows ideologies to be imposed.  However, to truly understand the concept of neoliberalism wemust look beyond simplistic clichés of market over state. There is morecomplexity to it.

Arguably it is the resurrecting of colonialism in a moresubtle and democratic manner. Through big institutional organisations like IMF,World bank forcing neoliberalism ideals when giving loans to third worldcountries. These include adopting open markets and similar neoliberal characteristics.As Bales (1999) builds on this, arguing that  “the new slavery mimics the worldeconomy by shifting away from ownership and fixed asset management,concentrating instead on control and use of resources or processes”(cited in K.Manzo2005 pp.

527). As such, we must question, to what extent neoliberalism isanother from of ‘civilisation mission’ or “enlightenment discourses” (G.Hart2002) or a new phenomenon at all? The spatial spreading of geo-political ideacan link back to the Caribbean exploitation, which ended in 1834. However,these spreading ideas ended in a hybridity of culture know as creolization. Thismay hint that the relationship between neoliberalism and globalisation notbeing a natural one. It is a relationship that is often forced, it does nothappen organically. Arguably it has been able to develop on a internationalscale due to western mass media creating a misconception that neoliberalism isalways associated with development, providing “a platform for experiencing theworld” (S.

Ograd 2012) However, this has not been achieved, insteadglobalisation and neoliberalism interconnectivity has created an uneven  “landscape of power” (Zukin 1991).  Due to this, when evaluating this relationship we mustconsider where we are getting our information. Scholarly articles andliterature must be analysed carefully. We must alsoconsider that globalisation and neoliberalism’s combined effect is everchanging, and as such, hard to pin down. From 2007 onward it is seen as acatalyst for damage. Before, it was seen as a chance for development. Thismeans when we are critically analysing the relationship we must have this inmind. More interestingly, Neoliberalism only sees knowledge transactions from NorthernHemisphere to Southern Hemisphere, but not vice-versa.

This is demonstrated inDipesh Chakrabarty’s (2008) famous quote that “Third world Historians feel aneed to refer to works of European history (but) historians of Europe do notfeel any need to reciprocate” (cited in J.Robinson 2003). Euro-American author’sdomination of the scholarly scene arguably brings into question the missinglocalities of globalisation. It is westernisation, not globalisation. Thestandardised symbols of globalisation eg; Big Macs and Coca-Cola are allwestern in origin. This brings in to question the extent to which developmentfrom the south is considered in geographical study. As James Ferguson (2006)puts it “Interconnectedness among six rich countries is documented mosteffectively, but the reader is left to wonder, what exactly, is worldwide aboutit”.

Navigating these split geographies is complex but in doing so we are ableto evaluate the relationship between globalisation and neoliberalism moreeffectively.  However, Neoliberalism’s relationship with globalisation is aflexible one, adapting and changing wherever it locates. Whilst maintaining “common materialroots” (J.Peck 2004) and “resemblances” (J.

Peck 2004) there are variations inhow neoliberalism materialises. One missing piece in this neoliberalglobalisation is Africa. Unlike the heartlands of China, United States andEurope, which are repetitively promoted as the successes of neoliberalism,Africa does not feature. James Ferguson (2006) further argues, “Defenders ofneoliberal-structural adjustment programs naturally find Africa an inconvenientcase”.

  It is considered to be a ‘failed’country. It has not had the “national prosperity” (Department for internationalDevelopment 2000, cited in R.B.Potter, T. Binns, J.A.Elliot, D.Smith 2008) aspromised.

Technological development at the heart of neoliberalism has notreached Africa with “fewer than one in 1000 Africans had access to the internet”(RB.Potter, T. Binns, J.A.Elliot, D.

Smith 2008). As such they are not achievingthe “enlargement of peoples choice’s” (United Nations cited in M.Power 2003),which has been promised. Through this we can alternatively argue against Kiely’s(1999) definition of globalisation, which “refers to a world in whichsocieties, cultures, politics and economies have, in some sense, come closertogether”. Neoliberalism has actually created a world in which is diverging,creating a marginalised world. Africa is consequently a result of the “Brutaltectonics of neoliberal globalisation” (M.Davis 2004). They are economicallyexploited in “secured enclaves with little impact of wider society” (J.

Ferguson2006) such as Angolia/Zambian Copperbelt and Ghana. However, the rest of thecountry is left untouched by any form of neoliberalism. The IMF believes thisis a cost of neoliberalism, in which ” foreign direct investment, do not appearto confer the benefits claimed for them” (IMF 2016). Overall, Africa’sresilience against neoliberalist order hints at “alternative modernities” (J.Ferguson)and reiterates the point that “less developed countries remain poorlyintegrated into the global economic system” (R.

B.Potter T. Binns, J.A.Elliot,D.

Smith 2008).  On a more local scale, in the UK, the supposed ‘heartland’ ofneoliberalism, uneven economic development persists. Regionally there arespatial divergences in incomes, poverty levels and economic prosperity. Northernregions eloquently demonstrate Grabber and Stork’s (1997) argument thatdevelopment is “affected by the path it has traced in the past”(cited in G.Hart2002). In the North-East “over 20% of people of working age are claiming someform of benefit” (Wintour, P 2002). This brings into question the extent towhich neoliberalism is marginalising the Global North and the Global South andinstead hints at the negative “resemblances” (J.Peck 2004) similarities.

AsAlexander Vasundevan’s (2015) quote highlights “precarious life that have cometo be increasingly shared across the North/South Divide. With disparitiesexisting on the local and the global scale neoliberalism is arguably just anexcuse for the rich to get richer and the poor to get poorer?  What the 2008/9 financial crises demonstrated was thatNeoliberalism relationship with globalisation is a fragile one. It has troughsand peaks, working in cycles of prosperity and decline. Its “single countryfailures” (J.Peck 2004) have lead to a growing emergence of global proteststowards neoliberalism.

In the words of Gillian Hart (2002) there will always bean “uprising against modern forms of exploitation, the vanguard of a universalprocess”. Alternatives to neoliberalism have begun dominating politicalconversation. They are not simply adaptions but outright contestations toneoliberalism. Brexit and Donald Trump have demonstrateda resurgence of the “national identity” (S.

Metcalf 2017). These massive shiftsin public opinion could demonstrate retaliation to open markets. It is the reforming of localities andthe resurrecting of territory.

As Michael Romberg’s (2017) puts it “Nationalismis unavoidable with Brexit”. Trump’srecent rejection of Paris Climate agreement in which he states, “I was electedto represent the citizens of Pittsburgh, not Paris.” (Oliver Milman, David Smith and Damian Carrington, 2017) further enhances this rejection of a one-nation mentality.

Bothare examples of “protective countermovement’s” (Polanyis 1994 cited in Kurtulu?, G) seeking to gain back emancipation from market rule. This is intimatelylinked to the concept of identity and place-making which “explicitly rejects the mapping ofbounded cultures onto similarly bounded spatial grids” (Gupta and Ferguson,1997 cited in G.Hart 2002). Furthermore, an interesting, but abstract, movement against neoliberalcontrol is Christiania. Outside a world of order, rules andmarkets this place persists as a symbol of “freedom from the law and policies” (R.Päivi 2017) most notably, fromprivatisation.

Located in the Copenhagen it persists one of very few’freetowns’ consisting of squatted places, with self-built homes. What this informalplace-making demonstrates is the “ugly, cultural politics of neoliberalglobalisation” (Smith 1996 cited in P.J Cloke, J.May, S.Johnsen 2010). Theparticular social groups who do not contribute to “economic transactions”Dipesh Charabarty cited in J.Robinson 2003) are rejected.

Christiania is bothan active contestation to the privatisation of neoliberalism but alsoreinforces the social inequalities it produces. If we look at Neoliberalism in a more abstract way, it “isa name for a premise, that, quietly, has come to regulate all we practice andbelieve”(S.Metcalf 2017). What Stephen Metcalf’s quote perfectly sums up isthat, despite their being opposition or an active contest to its policies, thefact it is being constantly debated, circulated, contested means it isprevalent in our everyday.

Its effects, whilst unequal, are immeasurable. Ithas become more than a policy, it has become an unconscious act in which we allparticipate in whether we want to or not. As such it is undeniable that “The process of globalisation is,therefore, inescapably plugged into the neo-liberal world order” (Robert BPotter, T.Binns, J.A Elliot, D.Smith 2008).  In conclusion, “Neoliberalism is a loose and contradictionladen ideological framework” (J.

Peck 2004) making it complex to unpack andformulate resounding conclusions from. It must be analytically investigateddifferently depending on your identity. However, Neoliberalism, as a concept,is undoubtedly connected to globalisation. As David Harvey eloquently suggests,”the process of time space compression has been driven by development of theeconomy” (cited in D.Mackinnon, A.Cumbers 2007). Despite globalisation andneoliberalism relationship being a highly contested definition if we look at itin its most simples form which reads of a truly fully homogenised world,neoliberalism cannot and will never be able to offer that. It instead offershybridity of forms, spatially different and dependent on localities, culturesand identities.

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